|
Four themes explaining the crisis
emerged from the responses of members of the GloriaMundi email list
receiving the survey. These are, market
panic was the real culprit; too much credit
exposure was the issue; VaR was indirectly responsible by permitting
complacency
about risk; because of the way VaR is calculated and used, VaR
would not have come into play.
Below are comments selected
from the many great contributions made by survey participants:
1. MARKET
PANIC WAS THE CULPRIT
- Positions may have been cut so that the
trading desk would not exceed it's loss limit (unrelated to VaR);
Because the unfamiliar market dynamics created "Knightean" uncertainty,
traders responded by fleeing to the sidelines (unrelated to VaR);
Reduced risk tolerance (at any given level of VaR) led traders to
reduce risky positions; Traders rushed to the door just to exit
before the general panic set it, but of course, creating the general
panic in the process (possibly related to VaR).
- I was on an Emerging Market Fixed Income
trading desk during the Russian meltdown. As the markets began to
express skepticism in the country's ability to finance itself through
new issues of GKOs, demand evaporated, and Russia could not rollover
short-term debt. Trading desks began to hedge GKO positions with
anything that ostensibly would offer a hedge, e.g., $-Russian paper,
S&P futures, Brazilian securities (because everyone believed Brazil
was next). Traders began to crumble under the weight of heavy selling
by (highly leveraged) hedge funds. Two new Global Eurobond issues
took place in the eye of the storm. The market already was flush
with too much paper. Yes, VaR numbers began to increase substantially,
but this was more of a result of rather than a cause of the selling.
Yes, some controllers used VaR to regulate positions but I think
by the time VaR numbers were run either mid-day or day's end, the
damage had already been done.
- Dunbar's argument that liquidation was
driven by a fear of an increase in the multiplier from 3 to 4 is
silly i.e. it's fear of the losses.
- If the banks ordered trading desks to cut
positions "not just in Russia, but everywhere", this is a strategy
induced by panic and not VaR.
2. CREDIT RISK
WAS THE REAL ISSUE
- Many groups were over exposed to Russia,
which caused a mass exodus and a domino-effect of liquidations.
Perhaps we should blame the credit departments which made the margin
calls and turned healthy hedge funds into non-existent or severely-damaged
hedge funds. A snap credit squeeze from funding institutions over
all 'leveraged' clients was responsible. The large lending institutions
knew that a snap squeeze of credit might create liquidations, but
were of the opinion that a first-mover approach [over increasing
margins] would benefit themselves over the next lender as their
clients' were forced to liquidate positions.
3. VAR WAS
INDIRECTLY RESPONSIBLE BECAUSE IT MADE THE MARKET COMPLACENT
- In a sense VaR was the culprit, because
of its failings: (a) it does not take into account liquidity risk;
(b) it ignores distributional stability issues and outlying, catastrophic
risks, and the fact that financial risk is not stationary.
- The sense in which VaR was a culprit: too
many people who look at VaR and think that is how bad it can get
- rather than planning what their strategy will be once they have
lost two or three times the VaR.
- For all LTCM's genius, their highly leveraged
spread trades went the wrong way and they didn't have enough capital
for an event that wouldn't be captured in a 99% confidence VaR.
- The distinction about whether VaR was the
culprit is not material. The risk management "culture" shared by
many firms (and of which VaR is a part, if not the cause) created
correlations between markets and risks that can not be traced to
structural dependencies among those markets and risks.
4. VAR WAS
UNRELATED TO THE PROBLEM
- I believe that VAR made the situation more
transparent and expedited a liquidation that would have only been
worse if dragged out.
- After the trading losses, the VaR associated
with Russian positions could easily have fallen to near zero (rather
than increased), because these securities were basically worthless.
- No institution manages their daily positions
solely with VaR. If anything, the use of this measure is a hard
sell to trading desks.
5. OTHER COMMENTS
- Even though Basle capital requirements
apply to banks, many firms in the financial industry (e.g., credit
union) calculate the Basle capital ratio. Thus, a lot of firms try
to minimize risk weighted capital amount when adding new derivatives
transactions or others transactions.
- Dunbar's model seems to be theoretically
valid at least for future events. Assuming that VaR models had a
worldwide acceptance, the mechanism of these models might easily
trigger or accelerate a financial crisis.
- People can't excuse themselves by referring
to some 'model'. Who is responsible for 'model risk'? We suggest
that model risk is the responsibility of the decision taker.
|
THE ORIGINAL SURVEY
FOLLOWS:
VaR's Role in the Liquidity Crisis of '98 - Culprit or Bystander?
One of the major arguments in Nick Dunbar's book, Inventing Money:
The story of Long-Term Capital Management and the Legends behind it,
is that the "liquidity crisis" of 1998 was caused, indirectly, by VaR
models. This is a powerful claim that deserves some critical attention,
because, if true, risk managers and regulators to re-evaluate the use
of VaR. Below, I outline the argument and then list aspects of the argument
that could be explored further.
Dunbar's Position on the Role of VaR in the '98 Liquidity Crisis:
Culprit
Dunbar sets the stage for his argument by describing the events surrounding
the default by Russia on August 17, 1998, on its short term debt obligations
(GKOs). Then, beginning on page 202, Dunbar writes, "Now, with sudden
mark-to-market losses, the Russian contribution to VAR rose rapidly.
The effect was to cause many trading desks to breach their VAR limits.
According to the Basle committee, once a breach took place so many times,
more capital would have to be allocated or positions had to be cut."
Dunbar then states that risk managers at investment banks ordered trading
desks to cut positions "not just in Russia, but everywhere." Hedge funds
also had to cut "still-profitable positions" in swap and government
bond markets in order to raise collateral for their money-losing positions
with bank counterparties.
Because "everyone tried to do this at once," and because several of
the biggest players were using similar proprietary trading strategies
(specifically, arbitrage trades and convergence trades in fixed income,
equity and fx markets)--which meant they all were trying to exit similar
positions--market liquidity evaporated, prices gapped and spreads spread.
Big losses resulted.
Next, the critical analysis and alternative interpretation of these
events.
A Different Possible View of the Role of VaR: Bystander
Several points run counter to Dunbar's argument and create the possibility
of a different interpretation of these events. Here's the critical analysis:
- Contrary to Dunbar's statements, Basle capital requirements apply
not at the trading desk level, but only at the top level of the firm
and only to commercial banks, not investment banks or hedge funds.
- Even for banks under Basle market risk rules, the rules say nothing
about the relation between VaR limits and capital requirements; they
establish requirements between the 60-day average aggregate VaR and
capital.
- It is my belief (I can't produce evidence in support of this) that
in 1998 VaR limit structures were not very detailed at investment
banks or hedge funds. That is, trading desk and book level VaR limits
were not very common (especially at hedge funds), so it is not likely
that "exit" trades were being induced by breaches of VaR limits, as
Dunbar states. [Many commercial banks in contrast had very detailed
VaR limit structures even in 1998.]
Given these points, it is possible to tell a different story without
reference to VaR. Here's the proposed alternative: Hedge fund losses
caused the banks to fear credit losses from their hedge fund counterparties.
Hedge funds therefore had to exit trades so they could raise cash needed
to post collateral demanded by their counterparty banks. The resulting
exit trades moved market prices, because the positions were large. Those
market moves caused investment banks and others to also exit their similar
trading positions, because they were trying to avoid losses. The combined
effects of these attempts to exit positions resulted in the crisis.
RELATED RESOURCES YOU MAY
FIND INTERESTING:
-
MacKenzie,
Donald. 2002. Risk, Financial Crises, and Globalization: Long-Term
Capital Management and the Sociology of Arbitrage. Working paper,
(March). (pdf file format 205k)
abstract
| paper
| references
- Anon. 2000. Risk
Managers of the Year: LTCM Oversight Committee. Risk 13(),
32-33.
-
D'Oro, Attilio. 1999. A
Look at Leverage in the Wake of Long Term Capital - Regulatory Perspective.
Working Paper (). (HTML file format)
-
Kolman, Joe. 1999. LTCM
Speaks. Derivatives Strategy (April). (HTML file format)
-
Seely, Beth. 1999. Long-Term Capital
Management: An Analysis of Intervention as a Prisoners' Dilemma.
Working paper 99-01, Commodity Futures Trading Commission.
-
Financial Economists Roundtable.
1999. Statement
on Long-term Capital Management and the Report of the President’s
Working Group on Financial Markets The Financier 6 (1),
3-4. (pdf file format 58k)
-
Stone, Charles A. and Anne Zissu.
1999. LTCM:
Too Big, Too Complex, Too Smart, Too Bad The Financier
6 (2-3), 6-9. (pdf file format 61k)
- Greenspan, Alan. 1998. Statement
before the Committee on Banking and Financial Services, U.S. House
of Representatives. Federal Reserve Bulletin 84 (October),
1046-1050.
- McDonough, William J. 1998. Statement
before the Committe on Banking and Financial Services, U.S. House
of Representatives. Federal Reserve Bulletin 84 (October),
1050-1054.
-
Pouzin,
Gilles. 1998. L'homme
qui a perdu 600 milliards. Pouzin.com (October). (html file
format)
- Dunbar, Nicholas.
Inventing Money: The Story of Long Term Capital Management and the
Legends Behind It. John Wiley & Sons. Hardcover. January 2000
- Roger Lowenstein. When
Genius Failed: The Rise and Fall of Long-Term Capital Management.
Random House. Hardcover. September 12, 2000
- Perold, Andre F. 1999. Long-Term
Capital Management, L.P. (A-D). Harvard
Business School Press (November). (A case study available for
purchase)
- Stulz, Rene M. 2000.
Why
Risk Management is Not Rocket Science. Financial Times, Mastering
Risk Supplement (June 27), 4+.
- Lewis, Michael. 1999. How
the Eggheads Cracked. New York Times (January) (pdf file format
56k)
- President's Working Group on Financial Markets.
Hedge
Funds, Leverage, and the Lessons of Long-Term Capital Management.
(April 1999) (pdf file format 369k)
- Parkinson, Patrick. 1999. Testimony
on 'Hedge Funds, Leverage, and the Lessons of Long-Term Capital Management.
(May) (HTML format).
- Shirreff, David. Lessons
From The Collapse Of Hedge Fund, Long-Term Capital Management.
IFCI. (html file format)
- Jorion, Philippe. 2000. Risk
Management Lessons from Long-Term Capital Management. forthcoming,
European Financial Management, 6 (September) 2000. alternate download
location (pdf file format) abstract
- Anon. How
the Eggheads Cracked: Saga of Long-Term Capital. MS Powerpoint
presentation.
|